di Guido Crainz, da: Repubblica — 04 settembre 2010
LA CRISI del centrodestra appare indubbiamente al suo culmine ma non è la prima volta che questo accade. Non è la prima volta che il suo ciclo appare al tramonto. Come in passato, dunque, la partita non si gioca solo sulla profondità di quella crisi ma anche sulla capacità o meno dell' opposizione di offrire alternative credibili. Di delineare un' idea di futuro. Di convincere realmente e concretamente gli elettori che non saranno ripetuti gli errori compiuti troppo spesso in precedenza. Questo è il nodo decisivo, e per comprenderlo è enough to remember the 'center-right alternation and center that we have seen over the last fifteen years.
It was short-lived 's cloud Berlusconi after the star's meteoric rise in 1994 and the next immediate fall. To put it back in the saddle, and allow the new statement in 2001, contributed mainly inadequacies and limitations of the center, emerged into the light after the fall of Prodi's first government, but not absent even before: First, the resurgence of old rituals and bad " First Republic, "to use the language of the time. Even after 2001, however, the 'undisputed hegemony of the Knight did not last long, and the similarities with today' are not few. Even then the miracles promised, the "contract with Italians" and the great works drawn with a pen in the living room of Bruno Vespa discolored quickly, leaving the field to the priority of interests of the Prime Minister, its processes and its business. To evoke the "already seen" just scroll down the news of the first two years, if not the first months of the legislature, which opened in 2001, obstacles to international requests, decriminalization of false accounting; Cirami law on legitimate suspicion to award Schifani suspend proceedings against the Prime Minister (later rejected by the Constitutional Court and included in this term by Alfano, likewise rejected 'it). Finally, the Gasparri law on broadcasting system, postponed the House by Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, and the heavy work on the Rai. This was even then, in short, the "policy making", while Giulio Tremonti invented the "creative financing", enriched by multiple amnesties, to mask the 'breach of commitments made by the premier in the election campaign. In the middle of that mandate, in the 'summer of 2004, these and other tensions led to a serious government crisis, which pulled himself together only to' appearance with its fruit more apparent and ephemeral, the 'ousting Tremonti from governmental structures. Emerged clearly, then, in reality, the processes that were cracking submission - rather than loyalty - to the premier of Pier Ferdinando Casini, Gianfranco Fini. Even in that term, then, the center had not been decisive and timely in 'urge the government but had appeared lost and confused than lawful, after the defeat of 2001. The stimulus for a revival of 'initiative were somehow' by 'outside', and sometimes at odds with his inertia by the movement of girotondi and other initiatives that had roots in civil society until the union mobilization in defense of the Statute of workers. Loomed ahead of schedule so the possibility of a rematch, which was announced in the second half of the parliamentary elections to be different: and even then, some newspapers of the center began to speak of "most worn and Lisa" and "crisis of Berlusconi. "It was a mistake then deciding not to put at the center of the center of the proposal a serious reflection on the mistakes of the past: on the one hand, the lack of a clear programmatic profile, which can outline a horizon of rules and social equity by 'the other' inability to embody this radical renewal of the policy of how the crisis of the "republic of parties" had put down 'agenda. Just that failure had left the field open to the "renewal" Berlusconi, imbued with populism, illusionism and anti-politics. These limits have deeply complex situation of the center of the electoral campaign of 2006 - portandoa a less than expected - and then his new, contradictory and stuttering experience in government: a 'worst experience revisited, quarrelsome liturgies of the past and they were quickly undermined. Two years ago, Berlusconi then returned to triumph thanks to the mistakes made by the center rather than to its capacity, now faded, to evoke miracles. In other words, to reverse THAT 'resulted in the center must first lay the groundwork for a real renewal, create conditions for not repeating their mistakes. Must reflect deeply on 'demonstrated inability thus far in addressing the many realities of the country, its ancient fears and anxieties of its latest, new forms of poverty and insecurity and the crisis di settori non marginali dell' Italia produttiva. E deve proporre al tempo stesso indicazionie pratiche di "buona politica" a un paese che alle ultime elezioni regionali ha visto l' astensionismo superare di slancio ogni soglia precedente. In questo quadro si colloca anche l' esigenza di una leadership realmente autorevole, non prigioniera dei resti sempre più esangui e logori della "partitocrazia" ma capace di imporsi anche alle vecchie logiche. Questi sono i nodi che i mesi e gli anni scorsi hanno fatto emergere con forza,e l' importanza della posta in gioco rende urgente iniziare a scioglierli in maniera chiara. Purtroppo il centrosinistra non sembra esserne pienamente consapevole, quasi confidasse ancora in appartenenze e rendite di posizione erose da tempo. - GUIDO Crainz
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