di Eugenio Scalfari, da La Repubblica on line del 4.7.10
NONOSTANTE il "ghe pensi mi" detto da Berlusconi nella sua doppia dichiarazione al Tg1 e al Tg5 dell'altro ieri, è sensazione generale che il blocco politico di centrodestra si stia sfaldando. I segnali più chiari vengono addirittura dalla Lega: Bossi solidarizza con il severo monito di Napolitano concernente la legge sulle intercettazioni e ha posto solidi paletti against the hypothesis of an early dissolution of the chambers.
Fini for his part confirmed that that law, as it is output after the confidence vote in the Senate, is not acceptable. Casini interview given today to our newspaper rejected the pressing invitations that are addressed to qualify for the camp's center. Finally growing level of conflict on economic measures between Regions and the Minister of Economy.
Giulio Tremonti has decided to increase IRAP for the southern regions which have a health budget in disrepair, but its use IRAP to cover that black hole would have a disruptive effect on labor costs in those regions where unemployment e in particolare quella giovanile è già arrivata a livelli insostenibili. E qui i durissimi interventi critici della Marcegaglia e di tutta la Confindustria.
Tutto ciò avviene a pochi giorni di distanza dalla sentenza di condanna a sette anni di reclusione di Marcello Dell'Utri per associazione mafiosa. La gravità politica di quella sentenza è stata rapidamente archiviata, eppure essa ha rivelato un retroterra impossibile da sottacere. Perciò sarà proprio questo l'oggetto delle mie odierne riflessioni.
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Io non credo che quella parte della sentenza della Corte d'appello di Palermo che ha messo Dell'Utri fuori causa per quanto riguarda le stragi del 1992-93 sarà ribaltata da altri tribunals and other investigations.
I know that I'm at work by different but convergent views of the court of Caltanissetta, Florence and Palermo prosecutor himself, is working the Anti-Mafia Commission chaired by Senator Pisanu, investigating specialized branches of the Carabinieri and Guardia di Finanza and Journalists also capable and have proven historical memory and information reports.
But I do not think that this work sboccherà established in a judicial truth. Should be provided with documents and evidence of a secret, deep in some pit, and in some black hole so deep as to obviate a judicially conclusive result.
may be naturally that my prediction proves wrong. As a citizen I do not know if you wish or fear.
But I am convinced that after careful consideration the decision of the Court of Appeal of Palermo who condemned Dell'Utri is nevertheless came to the establishment of a terrible truth, transforming what was a case in a legal certainty that gather, through the mediation of Dell'Utri but not limited to, the Dome of the Cosa Nostra and Silvio Berlusconi for a period of twenty years, a period that spans the entire entrepreneurial career of the "ladies" of Arcore, the birth of her success in real estate, then in television, then in the commercial, Milan 2 to Fininvest, seamless di continuità.
Vale ovviamente per Dell'Utri e quindi per l'intera fattispecie giudiziaria la presunzione di innocenza ancora in piedi in attesa del giudizio della Cassazione. Il quale tuttavia riguarderà soltanto questioni di legittimità e non di merito. Non si può escludere l'ipotesi che la Suprema Corte - come è nei suoi poteri - ravvisi errori di legittimità che affidino ad un'altra Corte d'appello il compito di un nuovo giudizio.
Tutto ciò è ancora possibile. Ma allo stato dei fatti una prima certezza sul merito è stata acquisita e confermata in due gradi di giurisdizione con dovizia di testimonianze e riscontri.
Quanto a Berlusconi, che nel processo di Palermo ha rifiutato di rispondere nonostante fosse citato come semplice testimone, non è mai riuscito a fornire una credibile spiegazione alternativa ai finanziamenti con i quali intraprese la sua scalata imprenditoriale. La presenza di capitale riciclato di origine mafiosa, il ruolo della Banca Rasini, dotata di un unico sportello a Milano ma di solidi agganci con società-fantasma situate a Lugano e in altri paradisi fiscali, la nebulosa mai chiarita delle ventisei società fiduciarie che si spartirono le quote di Fininvest, infine la presenza di personaggi mafiosi nel più intimo "entourage" berlusconiano, sono fatti sui quali la sentenza di Palermo ha fornito una concretezza di tale solidità e coerenza che dovrebbero provocare un dibattito very broad political and historical dimensions.
the center of this debate is the role of Marcello Dell'Utri. Role of financial, organizational, political, alongside Silvio Berlusconi since the early seventies until today. Giuseppe D'Avanzo in his article last Tuesday to comment on the decision of Palermo recalled what were the two guardian angels of Berlusconi throughout that period: just Cesare Previti and Marcello Dell'Utri. The first
finally judged to bribery of judges, the second hit now call for criminal association. Both the guardian angels and convictions concerning them cover a period before entering politics of Berlusconi made the ancient but these have formed the necessary condition though not sufficient Berlusconi's political success.
This is the theme of the debate, however, finds it hard to start. Why? What is the element which pushes brake on a siding a critical issue to understand what has happened in Italy during the two decades that laid the foundations of the political situation is still in progress?
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This question leads us directly to the heart of the government of these two years: full employment of RAI, the gag law on the press, the indictment of the judiciary and reform that will arrive over the next day in Parliament, the daily insults against downgraded to the Constitutional Court sided and politicized body, the intention to abolish the mandatory prosecution in fact transforming the judiciary in the prosecution of government officials.
This policy has a clear meaning and coherence if you put it into relationships with twenty years preceding the entry into the political arena entrepreneur Berlusconi.
control of RAI and the gag law is intended to prevent the public is informed of what really happened and is happening. To divert the attention of the public using a different: to oppose Article 21 of the Constitution which protects freedom of the press, Article 15 which protects the privacy of persons: two principles that could be easily integrated and are instead opposed to prevail on the first or the second least Elida.
would be enough in fact, as we have repeatedly proposed to entrust to a panel of judges of the preliminary examination of interceptions by eliminating those involving foreign parties to crimes prosecuted and occasionally heard. It would be enough this simple and necessary care to resolve the issue, leaving the rest unchanged. But this is not what Berlusconi wants the power and it is amazing to see that the guarantee is given on this very sensitive issue for liberals and intellectuals who profess to have their signatures to an obvious freedom.
The other crucial point concerns the intention to abolish the mandatory prosecution. Remember the movie Z-power L'orgia who told the Greek colonels' regime? One of the protagonists of that film was quite apolitical and an investigating judge of ideas rather conservative, who discovered the misdeeds of the "clique" of the colonels and had no respite until they ascertain the truth. He also spoke
Paolo Barile to advocate mandatory prosecution, the only real safeguard the independence of the prosecutor: "Without the obligation, the prosecutor ceases to be an independent magistrate and became a simple official at the service government or, at best, of the Parliament ".
dependence by the Parliament was supposed to be acceptable as a hypothesis Barile, if members were elected by the people. But they are not. The electoral law" porcellum "entrusts the government on an exclusive choice of candidates included in List. Any attempt by the opposition to change that law so far fallen into nothing.
This means that the executive has completely dismantled the autonomy of the legislature and its control functions. Parliament is now reduced to a recording chamber of the will of the prince. Not only that a majority cloned, it adds an urgent decree has become normal and the power to order that escapes even being considered by the president.
* * * The bottom line is this: when an entrepreneur who has suffered from the very beginning of his career as a conditioning and an awe mafia lasted at least twenty years, seized power, its objective can not be all right to armored, weakening all the counter-guarantee and free information, enslaving the Parliament through a shameful election law, removing the independence of the judiciary, the Constitutional Court intimidating, degrading the prosecution finally withdraw from the judicial role to that of un'avvocatura that work su commissione.
Questo è il quadro. La sentenza di condanna di Marcello Dell'Utri ne illustra le premesse e ne spiega la logica evoluzione. Per fortuna c'è ancora qualche giudice, c'è ancora un'opposizione, c'è ancora qualche giornale ad impedire che la democrazia si spenga sotto una cappa di piombo. E c'è un presidente della Repubblica che fa fino in fondo quello che deve fare.
Gli elementi per combattere una buona battaglia ci sono dunque tutti.
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